Puerto Rico: Comunistas de EE.UU. contra el colonialismo yanqui

WV: «Puerto Rico krisi politiko baten aitzinean dago bere historiako protestarik handienetako batzuk Ricardo Rosselló gobernadore gorrotatua pasa den hilabetean dimitiaraztea lortu ondotik».   Irudia: Iazko Maiatzaren Lehena

Workers Vanguard, 1159. alea

2019-8- 23

Puerto Rico

Langileen alderdi iraultzaile baten alde

Behera Junta koloniala !
Independentzia-eskubidearen alde !

[itzulpen ez ofiziala]

https://www.spartacist.org/english/wv/1159/puerto_rico_es.html

“

Espainiaren eta Estatu Batuen arteko gerran Karibeko lurralde honetaz jabetu zenetik, duela 121 urte, estatubatuar inperialismoak Puerto Rico arpilatu, bere langileak esplotatu, eta herrialdea deuseztatu du, azkenik. 1952tik eufemistikoki “Estatu Libre Elkartua” izendatua den arren, autogobernu izaera duela irudikatzeko, gaurdaino EE.BB.etako gobernuak du aginte-makila, den-dena kontrolpean duelarik: moneta eta komunikazioetatik hasita harreman komertzial eta garraioraino. Oinperatze kolonial hau white man’s burden-en bertsioa modernoa da, eta honen arabera potentzia inperialista zuriak azal ilunagoko bere menpeko jendearen gainetik agintea izan behar du, obra “zibilizatzaile” bat egiten omen dutelako. Puertorricoarrak EE.BB.etako bigarren mailako hiritarrak dira, eta Puerto Ricon bizi direnak ezin dute hauteskunde federaletan bozkarik eman (gainera, kongresuan duten ordezkariak ez du boto ofizialik), baina botere federalak aldiz —FBI eta armada barne— bahiturik dauzka erabat. Honako hau aldarrikatzen dugu: EE.BB.etako tropa eta agente federal guztiak, alde oraintxe bertan Puerto Ricotik!

 

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Momentuz barealdia karriketara itzuli den arren, puertorricoarrak kokoteraino daude. Langileria langabetuen, ikasleen eta herrialdeko zapaldu ororen —hauen artean bereiziki emakumeak, indarkeria eta degradazioa pairatzen dutelako— buru gisa altxatzea behar-beharrezkoa da. Langileriaren indarrak, bere botere sozialarengatik eta interes historikoagatik, zapalkuntza kolonialari eta miseria kapitalistari amaiera eman diezaioke iraultza sozialistaren bitartez.

         Langileek, EE.BB.etan eta Puerto Ricon, etsai berbera dute: Estatu Batuetako agintari kapitalistak. Bada, halaber, hezur eta azaleko lotura bat — organizaturik dagoen langileriaren parte inportante bat dira puertorricoarrak EE.BB.etako zenbait hiritan, estatu kapitalistaren arrazakeriaren gehiegikeriak jasan behar dituztelarik. EE.BB.etako langileriak klase-elkartasuna erakutsi eta zera aldarrikatu behar du: Puerto Ricoko zorra bertan behera utzi!

 

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Gure helburua abangoardiako alderdi leninista bat eraikitzea da Puerto Ricon, zapalkuntza kolonialaren aurkako borroketan parte hartzeko gai dena, eta ugazaba estatubatuarrei aurre egiteaz gain, beraien lekaio burges autoktonoak borrokatuko ditu langileriaren boterea ezartzeko. Soilik proletalgoa boterean delarik bermatzen hasiko dira behar diren kondizio materialak Puerto Ricoko populuak menderakuntza inperialistatik askatzeko.

         Puerto Ricoko errepublika proletario batek oztopo ikaragarriei eta etsai boteretsuei egin beharko lieke aurre, oroz gain EE.BB.etako burgesia. Puerto Ricoko botere proletarioa nazioartean hedatu beharko litzateke. Alderdi leninistak forjatzearen beharra da planteatzen dena, bai zentro inperialistan bai Karibe osoan, Internazional iraultzaile baten kide direnak. EE.BB.etan, alderdi proletario multirrazial batek langile estatubatuarrak bereganatuko lituzke Puerto Ricoko askapen nazionalaren aldeko borrokak aitzinarazteko, nahitaezkoak baitira EE.BB.etan bertan erregimen kapitalista suntsitzeko.

 

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Polizia, « la uniformada » gisa ezaguna, ez da langile multzo bat ezta aliatu potentzial bat,  baizik-eta estatu burgesaren muina. Beraien papera grebak zapuztea da, eta dauzkaten elkarteek ez dute lekurik mugimendu sindikalean. Polizien ardura, nahiz-eta jatorri proletario edo pobrekoa izan, menderakuntza kolonialaren sistemaren funtzionamendua bermatzea da, patroien morroiak dira. Poliziak, euren soldaten edo erretreten alde mobilizatzen direnean, erreprimitzeko balditzak hobetze aldera egiten dute. 1899an sortu zenetik, hain zuzen ere EE.BB.etako armadak herrialdea inbaditu eta hartu zuenetik urte betera, Puerto Ricoko poliziak Washingtonek oinperatzen dituen mendekoak zapaltzen lagundu du, baita independentisten aurkako gerra odoltsuan ere, zenbait hamarraldi iraun duena.

 

"U.S. out of Guantánamo!
Defend the gains of the Cuban Revolution!
Spartacus Youth Club"

“

Batzar konstituziogile baten aldeko aldarria oztopo bat da langileriak bere auto-emantzipaziorako behar duen kontzientzia eta klase-organizazio iraultzailea garatzeko. Batzar konstituziogile bat gobernu burges bat da, eta bere aldeko aldarria iraultza proletarioa desbideratzeko erabili da historikoki. Behin langileriak estatu-boterea hartu eta gobernu proletario bat ezartzen duela, erabaki ahalko du nola berreraiki gizartea populazioaren gehiengo zabalaren mesedetan, nola antolatu lana, etxebizitzak, hezkuntza eta kalitatezko osasun zerbitzuak.

         Azken batean, soilik iraultza sozialistaren hedatze internazionalak ase ditzake jendearen oinarrizko beharrak: pobreziarekin amaitzea, menderakuntza inperialistatik askatzea, emakumeen eta baita homosexualen eta transexualen sektore arras zapalduen berdintasun soziala. Guretzat, estatubatuar pizti inperialistaren erraietan gaudelarik, biziki inportantea da Puerto Ricoren askapen nazionalaren aldeko borroka. Garai hartan iraultzailea zen Internazional Komunistaren kide izateko “21 kondizioek” nabarmentzen duten bezala —1920an onartuak— komunisten betebeharra da “kolonien askapen nazionalaren aldeko mugimendu orori laguntzea, ez bakarrik hitzez, baita ekintzez ere”. Eginkizun honen baitan doa “herrialdeko langileen bihotzetan benetako elkartasun jarrera bat erakutsi behar dela kolonietako herri langilearekiko eta nazio zapalduekiko”.

—LKI ( Liga Komunista Internazionala - 4. Internazionalaren aldekoa),
Workers Vanguard.

Trotskistak blog-ak euskaratua.

• https://www.icl-fi.org/english/wv/1159/puerto_rico_es.html

• https://www.icl-fi.org/espanol/wvsupl/2-2017-desfile.html
• https://www.icl-fi.org/english/wv/1159/puerto_rico_en.html

James P. Cannon zentralismo demokratikoa defenditzen

“

Zentralismo demokratikoak ez du bertuterik per se. Alderdi borrokalari baten printzipio jakin bat da, programa bakar baten inguruan elkartzen dena, iraultza bat gidatzea xede duena. Sozialdemokratek ez dute horrelako organizazio-sistemarik behar arrazoi oso sinple batengatik, ez dutelako iraultzarik antolatu nahi ”

—“Leninist Organization Principles”; James P. Cannon,   1953ko apirilaren 3a, Speeches to the Party (1973)

Jacob Zumoff: «Iraultza sozialistak garaipena lortu ezean, Estatu Batuetako beltzek ez dute zapalkuntza arrazistatik askatzerik izanen»



Partisan Defense Committee-ren pankartak

"No illusions in capitalist cops, courts or Democratic Party to stop the fascists! Spartacist League"

Jacob Zumoff: « Estatu Batuetan, beltzak bereziki zapaldutako gutxiengo bat dira, kolorearen eta arrazaren araberako kasta bat dira. Beltzek pairatzen duten zapalkuntzaren erroak esklabotzan eta Gerra Zibilaren ondoko Radical Reconstruction aroaren porrotean bilatu behar dira; beltzak, beraien aberastasuna zein den kontutan hartu gabe, segregaziora beharturik daude. Zapalkuntza arrazistak langileak banatzen ditu, eta langileria astintzeko erabiltzen da, zuria zein beltza.

         Horrexegatik zen “beltzen afera” hain inportantea garai hartan, zeren eta beltzak kapitalismo industrialean ekonomikoki integratzeko bidean ari ziren, nahiz-eta mailarik apalenean egon.

         Iraultza sozialistak garaipena lortu ezean, Estatu Batuetako beltzek ez dute zapalkuntza arrazistatik askatzerik izanen, eta ez da herrialde honetan iraultza sozialistarik izanen komunistek, serioski, beltzen berdintasunaren aldeko borroka agenda politikoaren eta programaren lehen planoan jarri ezean. »

—JacobZumoff, The Communist International and U.S.Communism, 1919-1929 liburuaren egilea.

Trotskistak, Mumia Abu-Jamalen askatasunaren alde

Urriko Iraultza, 1917-2017

Trotsky, Lenin & Kamenev (Sverdlov plaza, Mosku)

G

erra eta iraultza autoritate gehien duten tribunalak dira. Hortxe, gerran eta iraultzan, erabakitzen dira gure garaiaren arazo handi guztiak. 1914ko abuztuan Lehen Mundu Gerra piztu zenean, frogatu egin zen kapitalismoa, sistema ekonomiko eta sozial bezala, bere misio historiko progresista agortua zuela. 1917ko azaroko errusiar iraultzak kapitalisten klasea baino indar gehiago duen klase bat heldutasunera iritsi zela aditzera eman zuen. Proletalgo modernoa, gizarte modernoaren indar progresista, erregimen sozial berri baten iragarlea eta ordezkaria da — klase hori, iraultzak frogatu duen bezala, erasora jo zuen mundu-mailako garaipen batekin bakarrik bukatu daitekeen borroka klasista batean.

1917ko azaroaren 7a. Egun horretan erregimen zahar kapialistaren heriotza-epaia eta sozialismo mundialaren ordena berria aldarrikatu ziren aldi berean. Eta zein-nahi direla proletalgoak azken helburu hori erdiesteko bidean pairatzen dituen gorabeherak, zein-nahi eragozpenak, traizioak edo porrotak; nahiz-eta gizateriak kapitalismotik sozialismora  heltzeko egin behar duen borrokaren norabideak trazatzen duen lerroaren sigi-sagak zorrotzak eta sakonak izan; gertatzen dena gertatzen dela, garapenaren lerroaren hasierako puntua beti izango da gau honetan ospatzen ari garen egun handia — 1917ko azaroaren 7a.

—James P. CANNON: “Errusiar iraultza” (1942ko azaroaren 8a)

ikusi: http://www.spartacist.org/english/wh/236/quote.html

"Stop racist attacks"

Boston, AEB

"For a black - labor mobilization to defend black children and Columbia point! Spartacist League - SYL"

"Stop racist attacks on black children
Spartacist League"

"Implement the busing plan!
Extend busing to the suburbs!
Spartacist"

http://www.icl-fi.org/english/wv/921/ysp-busing.html

Trotskyists: "Down with the confederate flag of slavery & the KKK!"

 Labor Black League for Social Defense

 Spartacus Youth League

 "Finish the Civil War!
Forward to a Workers State!
Spartacus Youth League"

Spartacist League;
San Francisco, California; 1984 .

LKI: "Independentzia Katalunia eta Euskal Herriarentzat!"

View image | gettyimages.com

Liga Komunista Internazionalaren artikulua Workers Vanguarden:

http://www.workersvanguard.org/english/wv/1066/spain.html

Independentzia Katalunia eta Euskal Herriarentzat!

Behera Europar Batasuna!

Europako Estatu Batu Sozialisten alde!

·         Etsaitasun burgesak Espainia multinazionalean

·         E.B.k chauvinismo nazionalak hauspotzen ditu

·         Euskal nazionalista guztiak askatu!

·         Nazionalismo katalanaren jatorria eta izaera

·         Sasiburuzagi erreformistek langileen borroka traizionatzen dute

·         Sozialdemokrata ustelak eta populista burgesak

·         Hizkuntzaren auzia

·         Alderdi leninista forjatu!

http://www.workersvanguard.org/english/wv/1066/spain.html



CDDS. Trotskistak euskal presoen askatasuna aldarrikatzen.

Trotskistas enfréntanse al Ku Klux Klan y la policía

http://www.icl-fi.org/index.html

http://www.icl-fi.org/english/wv/979/civilwar.html

 Spartacist League: "Labor/black mobilizations to smash Klan/nazi terror!"
"Sitdowns to fight mass layoffs!"
"Break with the republicans & democrats!"

 Spartacist League: "Stop the Klan!", "Finish the Civil War"

 La movilización trotskista rodea a los nazi-capitalistas del KKK, protegidos, estos, por bandas racistas policiacas.

 "Stop the KKK"

 Esbirro del régimen reprime a un hombre

 Perro del régimen estadounidense

 Bandas regulares del capitalismo (la policía) protegen a las bandas irregulares del capitalismo (el KKK)

 Militantes anti-racistas

 Lucha de clases frente al Capitolio, Washington, centro neurálxico del imperialismo USA.

 "For the right of armed self-defense (...)"
"Remember Greensboro -- five militants murdered by KKK / Nazis -- Never again"

Trotskistas de la Liga Espartaquista: "For labor black defense against fascist terror"

Richard S. Fraser: "Nazio modernoa kapitalismoaren produktu esklusibo bat da"

Trotsky. Foto recortada; detalle.

2.- The Question of Nationalism

 [ For the Materialist Conception of the Negro Struggle ]

Richard S. Fraser, 1955

 

http://www.prl.org/

 

The modern nation is exclusively a product of capitalism. It arose in Europe out of the atomization and dispersal of the productive forces which characterized feudalism.

Nations began to emerge with the growth of trade and formed the framework for the production and distribution of commodities on a capitalist basis.

R. S. Fraser,
estatubatuar komunista

Nationalism has a contradictory historical development in Europe. Trotsky elaborated this difference as the key to understanding the role of the national question in the Russian revolution. In the first place the nations of western Europe emerged in the unification of petty states around a commercial center. The problem of the bourgeois revolution was to achieve this national unification.

In eastern Europe, Russian nationalism appeared on the scene in the role of the oppressor of many small nations. The problem of national unification in the Russian revolution was the breakup of this oppressive system and to achieve the independence of the small nations.

These were the two basic expressions of the national question in Europe. But these two basic phases of national development, corresponding to different stages in the development of capitalism, each contain a multiplicity of forms and combinations of the two phases [as is] not uncommon.

The national question of Europe reveals problems such as the Scotch rebellions, wherein a nation never emerged; Holland in its revolutionary war against Spain; the peculiarity of the unification of Germany; the rise and breakup of the Austro-Hungarian empire; the revolutionary transformation of the Czarist empire into the USSR; and the many contradictory expressions of national consciousness which were revealed in the October revolution; and lastly, the peculiar phenomenon of the Jews: a nation without a territory.

But even these do not exhaust the national question, for it appears as one of the fundamental problems of the whole colonial revolution, and all the problems of national unification, and national independence, dispersal and unification, of the centrifugal and centripetal forces unleashed by the national questions, reappear in new and different forms.

And we have by no means seen everything. The African struggle, as it assumes its mature form will show us another fascinating and unique expression of the national struggle.

What constitutes the basis for nationalism? A people united by a system of commodity exchange, a language and culture expressing the needs of commodity exchange, a territory to contain these elements: all these are elements of nationalism. Which is fundamental to the concept of the nation?

Language is important but not decisive: the Ukraine was so Russified and the Ukrainian language so close to extinction that Luxemburg could refer contemptuously to it as a novelty of the intelligentsia. Yet this did not prevent Ukrainian nationalism, when awakened by the Bolsheviks, to play a decisive role in the Russian revolution, alongside the other nationalities.

It would be convenient to be able to fasten upon geography as a fundamental to nationalism: a common territory where in relative isolation a nation could develop. This has, indeed, been the condition for the existence of nations generally; still it would not satisfy the Jewish nation which existed for centuries without a territory.

The one quality which is common to all and cannot be dispensed with in consideration of any and all of the nations of Europe, of the colonial world—the one indispensable quality which they all possess, and without which none could exist; including the old nations and the new ones, the large and small, the advanced and the backward, the “classical” and the exceptional—is the quality of their relation to a system of commodity production and circulation: its capacity to serve as a unit of commodity exchange.

National oppression arises fundamentally out of the suppression of the right of a commodity to fulfill its normal economic function in the process of technological development and to produce and circulate commodities according to the normal laws of capitalist production.

Washington, 1982

This is at the foundation of the national oppression of every nation in Europe and the colonial world. This is the groundwork out of which national aspirations develop and from which national revolutions emerge. It is this fundamental economic relation of a people to the forces of production which creates the national question and determines the laws of motion of the national struggle. This is just as true of the cases of obscure nationalities who only achieved national consciousness after the October revolution as it was for the Netherlands, or France, or for Poland.

Comrade Breitman is thoughtful not to put words into my mouth. But I wish he were equally thoughtful in not attributing to me ideas which I think he has had every opportunity to know that I do not hold. For when he contends that I am thinking only of the classical examples of the national question, when I deny that the Negro question is a national question, he is very wrong.

The Negro question is not a national question because it lacks the fundamental groundwork for the development of nationalism; an independent system of commodity exchange, or to be more precise, a mode of life which would make possible the emergence of such a system.

This differentiates the Negro question from the most obscure of all the European national questions, for at the root of each and every one of them is to be found this fundamental relation to the productive forces.

The Negro question is a racial question: a matter of discrimination because of skin color, and that’s all.

Because of the fundamental economic problem which was inherent among the oppressed nations of eastern Europe, Lenin foresaw the revolutionary significance of the idea of the right of self-determination.

He applied this to the national question and to it alone. Women are a doubly exploited group in all society. But Lenin never applied the slogan of self-determination to the woman question. It would not make sense. And it doesn’t make very much more sense when applied to the Negro question.

It would if the Negroes were a nation. Or the embryo of a “nation within a nation” or a precapitalist people living in an isolated territory which might become the framework for a national system of commodity exchange and capitalist production. Negroes, however, are not victims of national oppression but of racial discrimination. The right of self-determination is not the question which is at stake in their struggle. It is, however, fundamental to the national struggle.

Despite his protestation to the contrary, Comrade Breitman holds to a basically nationalist conception of the Negro struggle.

This is contrary to the fundamental course of the Negro struggle and a vital danger to the party. Comrade Breitman’s conception of the unique quality of the Negro movement is explained by him on page 9. In comparison to the nationalist movements of Europe, Asia and Africa he says “Fraser sees one similarity and many differences between them; we see many similarities and one big difference.”

Of what does this one big difference consist? According to Comrade Breitman, the only difference between the movement of the Polish nationalists under Czarism and the American Negro today is that the Negro movement “thus far aims solely at acquiring enough force and momentum to break down the barriers that exclude Negroes from American society, showing few signs of aiming at national separatism.”

Therefore, the only difference between the Poles and the Negroes is one of consciousness. But this proposition makes a theoretical shambles not only of the Negro question but of the national question too. According to this analysis, any especially oppressed group which expressed group solidarity is automatically a nation. Or an embryo of a nation. Or an embryo of a nation within a nation. This would apply equally to the women throughout the world and the untouchables of the caste system of India.

If we must ignore the fundamental economic differences in the oppression of the Polish nation and the Negro people, and conclude that the only difference between them is one of consciousness, then we have not only discarded Lenin’s and Trotsky’s theses on the national question, but we have completely departed from the materialist conception of history.

It is one thing for Trotsky to say that the fact that there are no cultural barriers between the Negro people and the rest of the residents of the U.S. would not be decisive if the Negroes should actually develop a movement of a separatist nature. But it is an altogether different matter for Breitman to assume that the fundamental economic and cultural conditions which form the groundwork of nationalism have no significance whatever in the consideration of the Negroes as a nation.

The basic error in Negro nationalism in the U.S. is the failure to deal with the material foundation of nationalism in general. This results in the conception that nationalism is only a matter of consciousness without material foundation. The other subordinate arguments which buttress the nationalism conception of the Negro question clearly demonstrate this error.

https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/document/icl-spartacists/prs3-fraser/08aMaterialistconception.html

 

iSt, gero LKI

James P. Cannon komunista preso politikoei buruz

"Amnistia"

Every war has its hazards: the class war more than any other, for the organized workers wage it for the largest stakes in all the world’s history—for the Earth and all its fruits, for the complete expropriation of the present-day ruling class. In this worldwide struggle there is no compromise and no quarter. The aim of the workers is nothing less than the complete abolition of the capitalist system. Both classes are organizing on an international scale.

The list of the prisoners of the class war—the Workers’ Roll of Honor—is a long one and it increases steadily in spite of all the predictions that “normal conditions” of civil liberty will be restored. There can be no more normal conditions. This is the era of the world revolution. The war is on and there will be no more peace until the workers triumph everywhere.

—James P. Cannon: The political prisoners (1921eko Maiatzaren Lehenean)